How should we interpret the new U.S. national security strategy document published last week?

I don't think a single document is going to rattle us, but to speak a bit more seriously, there's really nothing new in it. The fact that the current U.S. president is behaving much the same way as he did in 2016 before his first term is not news. His overall political vision is largely non-interventionist. He wraps it in the language of peace, but fundamentally, he's a mercantilist — he sees long-term global relationships primarily through the lens of business and deals.

He's willing to use military force when America's freedom to maneuver in business is under threat. In those situations, he's prepared to act and selectively elsewhere as well, but overall, he's resistant to all of this — especially to long-standing alliances and has been for the past 35–40 years.

This document speaks that same language. It's primarily aimed at a domestic audience — think tanks, academia — and also meant to provoke Europe. Here in Europe, we're oversaturated with think tanks and people whose job it is to have daily opinions on everything, so of course we've taken the bait. Just like J.D. Vance's speech at the Munich Security Conference drove us crazy, now we're once again confused and in a state of hysteria.

But after that J.D. Vance speech in Munich, action has been taken. It's not accurate to say that Europe hasn't been listening to Donald Trump or isn't trying to rearm. Against this backdrop, one can't help but think: if this is essentially a business deal, then clearly Ukraine's market is smaller than Russia's. Shouldn't that be a real concern for us?

That business-driven motive is still a bit of an artistic exaggeration. If we take a more serious look at the document, there are actually several fairly classic ideas in there — new realism and the ideological framework of America as a balancing power.

The document still states that it's America's job to prevent the rise of regional hegemons anywhere. It doesn't name Russia specifically, but it clearly asserts that this is part of the American role.

If we look at where Europe is placed in the hierarchy of American priorities, it's clear: first and foremost, the U.S. is currently focused on its own hemisphere and domestic issues — immigration, the border, the Caribbean and the drug trade. Then comes China and the Pacific theater — again, primarily in the context of trade, ensuring navigability through the Taiwan Strait. Then third or fourth on the list are the Middle East and Europe.

Despite the administration's rhetoric, they still regard Europeans as allies and praise those who are performing well. As U.S. Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth said at the Reagan Forum in California, the Baltic states and Poland were highlighted and praised, with promises that they would be treated with a certain priority.

Of course, it's unsettling to hear allies being differentiated like that and it shouldn't be a source of comfort to us. What matters to us is continued cooperation between Europe and the U.S.

What really stands out in this document is its slightly offensive undertone. Maybe Americans don't see it that way, but when it talks about the decline of civilization — and that remark comes from the United States — it inevitably triggers a lot of thoughts. Why would they include something like that? Is it really possible that there's no adviser who could have suggested that maybe such a comment shouldn't be directed at Europe?

It depends on what the goal was. I don't know. It's definitely offensive to journalists and think tank circles are also likely to take offense, but I think the overall tone of Trump over the past eight years has, in general, prompted a lot of soul-searching here in Europe.

Of course, it's true that the war in Ukraine on its own has already forced us to rearm. But that harsh rhetoric coming from the Americans has undoubtedly contributed to the growing realization that the responsibility for our own continent ultimately lies with us.

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