Reinsalu, a former foreign minister, made his remarks to the Riigikogu during the debate on foreign policy today, Tuesday.

As strategic international uncertainty grows, we must not make mistakes. First, Estonia's foreign policy must be and will remain consistent. This is Isamaa's view of our foreign policy after the 2027 elections. Estonia cannot afford any erratic behavior. For a small state, it is also of vital importance that domestic policy must serve our foreign policy objectives.

Second, we need a new Estonian security strategy which is aligned with the changing international situation. The core question of our foreign policy was, is, and will remain, ensuring Estonia's security, in order to deter Russia's military threat. From this basis, supporting Ukraine and repelling the Russian aggressor, as well as shaping the post-war European security architecture, are strategically vital for us. Third is European security. It is important that European countries demonstrate a greater readiness to invest in military defense. We must assess the 5 percent target among NATO allies down the years. We also welcome Chancellor Friedrich Merz's declared political readiness for Germany to become a European full military power.

It is vital to utilize EU structural funds for national defense purposes. Estonia must be a leader in this debate, and not a follower. European countries are intensively discussing reforming the ETS system, to prevent the deindustrialization of our continent. Estonia's stances on this issue date back to January 2022. Prime Minister Kristen Michal says that we will wait and see what the European Commission proposes. But that is not an attitude aimed at shaping reality.

Fourth, strong allied relations between Europe and the U.S. are in Estonia's vital security best interests. We must proceed from this. This is not a matter of mere emotions or rhetorical posturing. Even now, U.S. soldiers are on Estonian soil, in defense of Estonia.

The international relations environment is changing, and this contains fundamental risks for Estonia. All the more reason for us to concentrate internally and, in cooperation with our European allies, to avoid undesirable outcomes from U.S.–Russia security discussions.

Fifth, our foreign policy's unity and substance. I read the prime minister's interview on foreign policy in which he instead spoke in labeling terms about me, with reference to U.S. political attitudes toward Europe. This demonstrates the prime minister's domestic political insecurity, which unfortunately carries over into his foreign policy. I would remind the prime minister that Isamaa is a member of Europe's most influential political family, the European People's Party (EPP).

Former prime minister and High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Kaja Kallas at the end of the year expressed concern and spoke candidly about this government leader's inability in European politics. I would call on the prime minister to find the time during his term to make visits to both the U.K. and the U.S.

Foreign policy must not become an adjunct of domestic politics, but instead, vice versa. I am also referring here to the unprecedented confusion and inappropriate rhetoric surrounding Estonia's foreign policy in recent weeks. Representatives of the Estonian state are rightly being asked for explanations by other states. In a situation like this, though, the foreign minister has still not spoken with the president.
Who is responsible for coordinating our foreign policy? I asked this of the foreign minister at the foreign affairs committee. His answer was that it is the Riigikogu.

Estonia must remain trustworthy. Let us not squander that capital, as it is our most valuable resource in this ultra-critical situation.

To sum things up: Estonia's foreign policy must remain consistent and reliable. The primary task of our foreign policy is security. Supporting Ukraine and deterring Russia is our central task. European security does not derive from statements; it derives from industry, defense capabilities, and political will. We rightly support Ukraine, but the EU's budgetary rules do not directly allow support for member states' military defense. And that is a matter of political will.

Strengthening Europe's defense capability more broadly requires long-term orders from the defense industry, a reduction of regulatory obstacles, mobilizing capital markets for defense industry investments, ensuring energy security which supports the industrial base, and securing strategic raw materials and supply chains. Without a strong industry, there is no strong defense capability. Without a defense industry, there can be no deterrence.

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