Alar Karis' Euronews interview once again raised the question: how unified is Estonia's foreign policy? You had just returned from Ukraine. What did you have to deal with after Karis gave that interview, from which some ambiguous messages emerged?

Indeed, the whole situation is unfortunate — one might even say sad. Estonia has had a very clear foreign policy when it comes to Russia's aggression. And there is a broader foundation for that. We've known since 2008, when Russia launched the war in Georgia, then in 2014 with the war in Ukraine and in 2022 with the full-scale invasion that Putin's plan doesn't stop with Ukraine. We're included in that, as is the rest of Europe. The only way to stop him is through pressure, sanctions and supporting Ukraine.

The principle of territorial integrity has been the cornerstone of Estonia's foreign policy since 1991. And now, when the president sends messages suggesting we should start talking to Moscow, that we should find some alternative path, that we should essentially start lifting sanctions because, in his view, the sanctions policy isn't working and that perhaps some territories should be given up — it was honestly very difficult for me to look the Ukrainians in the eye at that moment.

I was asked at quite a high level whether Estonia had changed its foreign policy. Has Estonia, one of Ukraine's clearest and most active supporters, started quietly stepping back? These are questions that should not have to be asked about Estonia's foreign policy. But of course, I had to explain that no, Estonia remains firmly committed on this front.

There's been ongoing talk of sending a special envoy to Moscow. But I don't think that will happen — certainly not anytime soon. What concerns me more is the talk that pressure on Russia hasn't worked and that Ukraine should somehow give up territory or that we should lift sanctions. But the actual situation is different — Russia's economy is not doing well.

And President Zelenskyy looked me straight in the eye and said very clearly that he is the president of Ukraine and he has absolutely no intention of giving up any territory. Ukrainians simply don't even have that option. He also made a direct request that Estonia take the lead in pushing for stronger European sanctions.

After the interview aired and the storm erupted, have you had the opportunity to speak personally with President Karis?

I've only been back in Estonia since Saturday morning, and of course we've been in contact. But the claim that communication isn't functioning just isn't credible. Estonia's foreign policy regarding Russia's aggression against Ukraine has been crystal clear for four years.

And secondly, we have precisely for that reason a wide range of cooperation formats in Estonia: coordination processes, meetings, advisors' discussions and we all have each other's direct contacts. If the president has proposals to change Estonia's foreign policy, those certainly shouldn't be made through the media, especially not on an international platform. That kind of conversation needs to happen at the table and we have not received any such proposals.

A few days later, the president offered his own explanation of what he meant and pointed fingers at both you and the prime minister, suggesting that no one has communicated with him. Are you now saying that there hasn't been communication the other way either? That if the president wants to discuss certain issues, he hasn't invited you to sit down and talk about how we approach foreign policy?

In my opinion, this debate is a bit absurd. We're a small country and we've had a unified foreign policy. We've discussed our foreign policy in the Riigikogu, both with and without the president. I think every radio listener knows very well what Estonia's foreign policy line is when it comes to Russia. And that line does not involve trying to make deals with Putin. It does not involve easing the pressure. It does not involve telling Ukrainians, "Hey, go ahead and divide up your land."

This isn't some war movie you can order from Netflix where if it gets boring or uncomfortable, you just skip to the next one.

This is a real war. And we're not just talking about supporting Ukraine — we're talking about Putin's ambition to reshape Europe's entire security structure, including his intentions toward us. The Ukrainians have bought us time over the past four years — time that Europe must use to grow stronger. In the future, Ukraine and its capabilities will be a major security asset for us.

So this claim that we're not communicating — sorry, but it's just not very credible.

When you met with both President Zelenskyy and Foreign Minister Kuleba, what was their assessment of the current situation, especially in light of the extremely harsh winter and Russia's continued brutal destruction of civilian infrastructure? Is this the most difficult phase of the war?

This is certainly the hardest winter of the entire war so far, but the Ukrainians will endure it. We brought our own support, specifically energy aid, both from individuals, companies and the state. We helped open mobile assistance centers there, led by NGOs Mondo and the Estonian Refugee Council.

To be honest, it was a truly haunting feeling to stand in the middle of a housing district roughly three times the size of Lasnamäe where there is simply no heat because the heating plant has been bombed to pieces. There's no heat at all and electricity is only available intermittently. They don't even know how many people may have frozen to death in their apartments.

Our mobile tents provide warmth, water and electricity. More are on the way, but the situation is extremely critical. And at the same time, their message was clear: no one is breaking. They have nowhere else to go and no one is making any concessions.

And what they've seen is that small Estonia is doing a great deal. Just the day before, I had been in Zhytomyr Oblast where we opened a shelter for orphaned children who had until then been huddled in a small potato cellar. We also opened a residence for internally displaced people — mothers with small children fleeing the horror on the front lines — where they now have warm rooms.

Their main message to us was: Please don't abandon us. Keep Europe united. Increase the pressure. The 20th sanctions package is coming before February 24 and that includes the issue of Russia's frozen assets, which Estonia has been pushing forward.

We've become used to watching the media talk about negotiations happening somewhere and compromises being made to Russia. But Ukraine is not making compromises when it comes to the principle of territorial integrity. Under the current pressure, the Russian economy is not doing well. They are burning through reserves and there have been no breakthroughs on the front lines.

I asked President Zelenskyy directly: What's your outlook, especially with the U.S. reportedly applying pressure for some kind of peace by summer? Zelenskyy said he doesn't see any real desire for peace on Putin's side. Putin didn't just come for Ukraine — he came to reshape Europe's entire security architecture.

How is Ukraine coping with the mixed messages coming from the United States? One day it's one thing, the next day it's another. Sometimes it seems pro-Russia, sometimes pro-Ukraine.

It's remarkable how President Zelenskyy and the entire Ukrainian team are managing to hold up under that kind of pressure. Their main objective is to keep the United States engaged in the process. What they really want is at least some kind of ceasefire. And the sense coming from Ukraine's negotiators is that Putin, too, wants a pause as he's also running out of steam.

But we need to understand that this isn't the kind of peace being talked about publicly. It's a chance to catch one's breath. And if it comes under very unfavorable conditions, where Ukraine has to surrender territory or scale back its defense capabilities, then we can be sure that Putin will come back at them again.

A separate issue that drew a lot of interest is something Estonia initiated at the European level: a visa ban for Russian combatants entering the Schengen Area. This has attracted significant attention in Ukraine as well and they're fully willing to cooperate on it. It sends a strong message to those in Russia today: if they go to the front once, they'll never be allowed into Europe again.

Little Estonia is doing a lot — we're visible. But of course, the scale of things is entirely different. That's why we have to maintain a consistent line and not get caught up in infighting at home.

Speaking of the Ukrainians' plea to keep Europe united — how difficult is that to achieve right now in your view and what more can Estonia do?

It has always been difficult, but I must admit that the past year has actually been a little easier. That's not because of President Putin waking Europe up — it's because of President Trump and his messaging, which suggests that the relationship between Europe and the U.S. is more conditional. That has really pushed European leaders into action. For example, Germany, which was previously quite passive, is now taking the lead on many issues, with Chancellor Merz at the forefront.

We can apply more pressure, new sanctions packages, we can support Ukraine much more. But most importantly, we need to see Ukraine as a country with tremendous future potential for us as well. We need to bring Ukraine into the European Union where so far we've made no real progress.

And we ourselves must significantly and seriously increase our own defense capabilities because Putin's plan isn't just to grab a piece of land from Ukraine — it's much broader than that.

Just to clear the air: while you're in Estonia, do you, as foreign minister, plan to meet with President Karis — sit down face-to-face and talk things through?

I have nothing against that. But the fact is, tomorrow morning I'm already heading to Spain for a bilateral visit and after that comes the Munich Security Conference where the world's top foreign policy figures will gather.

But one thing is certain — the lack of communication will not be on my end.

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