Foreign Affairs Committee chair: NATO in the biggest crisis in history

NATO is facing the greatest crisis in its history due to actions by the U.S. administration, but its collapse can hopefully still be averted, MP Marko Mihkelson said.
"Let's be honest: NATO has never been in such a fragile state as it is today. And that's because our most important ally — the United States — without whom Europe would have a very hard time deterring the enemies who genuinely want to destroy us, is acting in a way that undermines the principles that have held NATO together since 1949 when the Washington Treaty was signed," said Marko Mihkelson (Reform), chair of the Riigikogu Foreign Affairs Committee, speaking on Vikerraadio Monday. "What the current U.S. administration, led by [President] Donald Trump, has done with regard to Greenland shows that not everyone seems to hold those founding principles in equal regard."
At the same time, Mihkelson emphasized that NATO is not dead, despite recent statements by some journalists and analysts following Trump's latest threats over Greenland.
"No, it's not dead — of course not. NATO has gone through some very difficult moments in its history, from the deep rift between Europe and the U.S. during the Suez Crisis to the times when Turkey and Greece were practically at war with one another. There have been other tense moments too, but nothing quite as serious as what we're facing today. And we know that Trump has previously threatened that if he doesn't like the situation, he could simply walk out of NATO," he said.
According to Mihkelson, threatening the territorial integrity of one country — in this case, Denmark — also poses a direct threat to Estonia and must not be accepted under any circumstances.
"I think the worst thing we could do is to accept a breach of the principle that literally keeps us alive as a state — the principle of sovereignty and territorial integrity. What would stop Russia from then declaring that, since access to the Baltic Sea has ensured its security since the time of Peter the Great, it now needs to annex Finland and the Baltic countries to ensure that access and deter its enemies?" Mihkelson asked. "If we let our own arguments fall apart — arguments we've used to support Ukraine, to reject the annexation of Crimea and to deny the legitimacy of the occupation that is taking place there — then how would any of that hold up when it comes to our own security? If we destroy our own argumentation, then we are left with only brute force, and whoever has force, has the right. And a small country will never have that kind of force," he continued.
"And when we see Russian propagandists openly celebrating Trump's actions on social media, praising what he's doing, then we can only guess whose interests this is really serving," Mihkelson added.
He noted that one of Russia's strategic goals in its war of aggression in Ukraine — unchanged since the start of the conflict — is to dismantle Western collective defense, to drive a wedge between Americans and Europeans and to push the U.S. out of Europe. "The saddest thing would be if we ended up doing that work for them, without a single shot fired by the Russians," Mihkelson said.
That is why it is essential to keep working to preserve allied unity and find a way out of the current situation, the Foreign Affairs Committee chair stressed.
Mihkelson also said that European allies are right to respond to proposed U.S. tariffs with their own countermeasures and to refuse Trump's demands to cede Greenland.
"I believe the ongoing diplomatic efforts in Washington and elsewhere are crucial, especially to make it clear to Americans what actually threatens their own security most directly. Including this: if the worst-case scenario really were to unfold and a deep rift emerged between Europe and the U.S., then America facing China or other major challenges alone — without European support — would not be in their interest. Or at least, it shouldn't be," he added.
"The situation is very dynamic right now and I think it's vital that European countries not back down, but instead stand firm on the principles that also ensure the continued existence of the alliance," Mihkelson stressed.
"And one thing that gives me some hope," he added, "is knowing that Congress — despite being somewhat weaker and quieter in recent times — still plays a significant role in U.S. domestic politics. And across the aisle, among both Republicans and Democrats, there is a clear majority who support NATO and strong transatlantic relations. I am convinced that, together, we can still prevent the worst-case scenario."
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Editor: Marcus Turovski, Mait Ots








