You can fulfill your ambitions and contribute to the development of life in Estonia in exciting fields without sticking your nose into politics. The chosen path may sometimes be damned hard, but for most people it is not so hard that they would consider going into politics.

Because politics is toxic, brings enormous and unpleasant public scrutiny and one rarely, if ever, hears a kind word. Compared to many other fields, the pay level is rather poor, so someone who has already advanced in their field tends to avoid politics, which carries a dubious reputation.

Social media has made being a politician even more bitter. Veteran players have thicker skin and endure personal attacks on social media more easily, but newcomers can clearly see what trolls, vulgar hecklers and know-it-alls are capable of doing to them.

In addition, the work of a novice politician is largely sales and sales work is not actually suited for many people. In principle, there is little difference between the notorious LHV pension salespeople and politicians campaigning in a different corner of the same shopping center.

Both must work hard to sell their idea and offer. And for politicians, it is in some ways even harder — they have to sell not only their party but also themselves in order to get personal votes.

I have seen former central bankers, executives and opinion leaders who went into politics left standing awkwardly, trying to strike up conversations with tired people hurrying home with heavy grocery bags. And this sales work must be done everywhere possible, because for beginners every vote is gold.

From the standpoint of job security, political life is extremely unstable, with the exception of a Riigikogu seat.

The formation of Tallinn's most recent ruling coalition was a vivid example, where the fine-tooth-comb search for deputy mayors and district heads took weeks. It is indeed difficult to leave one's current profession to take responsibility for life in the city for a year, knowing that after the next election one will have to return to one's old trade — and wait for favorable political winds to return.

All these downsides narrow the circle of new entrants, leaving recruiters with few options. Quite often, they succeed in convincing people whose professional career is nearing the finish line or who are already retired but still want to stay active.

For example, the Center Party announced that former Tallinn hospital director Ralf Allikvee will run on their ticket. He is an experienced person, but his relatively advanced age will likely make it difficult for him to take on a more responsible leadership position, so in practice he will remain more of an outside adviser.

It is easier to find candidates who are at the moment searching for a new career or challenge. I dare cite my former colleagues in journalism as examples.

In Isamaa's candidate list runs former Maaleht Editor-in-Chief Hindrek Riikoja, who was forced to leave his post. The same is true for Marti Aavik, the former editor-in-chief of Postimees, now running for Parempoolsed. They certainly would not have gone sniffing around politics directly from the editor-in-chief's office — this all happened only after their contracts ended.

It is a humanly understandable situation and journalists are not alone. Representatives of many other fields have entered politics during periods free of work or projects, when other doors seemed even harder to open.

In Tallinn, the longtime stronghold of the Center Party, there is a separate category of Centrists who joined the party specifically to keep their existing jobs or to avoid endangering them. The Center Party's food chain has been shaken, but the party is now racing back to city power, and especially for Russian-speaking people, the Center Party is a superb platform for getting work at the local level.

In contrast to the Center Party, the Social Democrats' lists feature relatively more newcomers, but very few Russian-speaking candidates. A complete anomaly is Põhja-Tallinn, where out of 29 names only three are of Russian background — this in a district with many Russian-speaking voters and their specific concerns.

The old guard also scares off newcomers from trying to climb the political ladder. That is natural competition, but party leaders should look further ahead than just the upcoming elections.

In Kristiine, Isamaa placed Tarmo Kruusimäe as their lead candidate, leaving Karl Sander Kase, who has proven himself in city government, in second place. If party leaders know that a large share of their new supporters are former fans of the Reform Party and Eesti 200, did they really not realize that young and energetic Kase would appear far more attractive to new voters than Kruusimäe who will never rise to any leadership position? Kruusimäe simply has no potential as a city leader.

The Reform Party is entering the elections with weak ratings and to avert outright disaster, only longtime leadership figures are placed at the top of district lists, often ministers at the forefront. The only new exception is businessman Urmas Sõõrumaa. He represents that dwindling category of newcomers where big businessmen try their hand at politics, though sooner or later it usually ends with them throwing in the towel.

The Reform Party's list also shows how the "two-seat law" works wonderfully to shut out newcomers, as a large percentage of city council seats end up with seasoned Riigikogu star politicians.

EKRE and Parempoolsed are the brand parties of this election cycle, where even relatively unknown candidates have a great chance of winning a respectable number of votes to start with.

EKRE doesn't have to try too hard to find new names, since the Helme surname alone guarantees their voters will turn out. The party could, however, think about whether they really have names to offer Mihhail Kõlvart that would make forming a city government together later possible. To put it mildly, EKRE's leading commentators, with their venomously sharp pens, are not exactly known for practical management experience.

Parempoolsed remain a question mark, with a huge risk of suffering the same fate as the Free Party and Eesti 200. But in any case, they are bringing lesser-known people into politics, even if most of them will eventually fall through the sieve. Despite everything, these three parties have made a clear and welcome contribution to Estonian politics: they have brought in new people and somewhat expanded the rather meager selection on offer.

We badly need better quality, fresh blood and new approaches in the leadership of both the state and local governments. This is no less important a problem than the shortage of teachers, doctors or engineers. In a democracy, politicians are given vast authority to make decisions that determine all our futures. It is a sin to leave those decisions in the hands of poorly experienced people who, in other fields, manage only mediocrely — if they manage at all.

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