In May, China published a national security review, commonly referred to as a "white paper." In principle, it's nothing extraordinary — many countries release national security strategies. But this document is not a strategy per se; rather, it is a public-facing overview without normative power. China has never officially released a genuine national security strategy. Unofficial reports suggest a five-year strategy was adopted in 2021, but this has never been publicly acknowledged.

Given the changes in the international environment following Donald Trump's return to the White House, now is a fitting time to prepare a new strategy. This could cover the period from 2026 to 2031. The overview at hand would represent the public component of this future strategy. It is also the first of its kind.

The document reveals that China currently views national security in broader terms and as more centralized in terms of governance. Earlier Chinese leaders also prioritized security, though their approaches differed. During the Mao Zedong era (1949–1976), national security was often equated with regime survival amid revolutionary struggle and external threats. It was militarized and driven by ideology.

In the reform era of the 1980s and 1990s under Deng Xiaoping, the main focus shifted to economic development. National security then meant a peaceful international environment and domestic stability to support economic reforms. Deng's foreign policy kept a low profile. Under Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao in the 1990s and 2000s, China deepened its global integration and continued investing in development while also seeking cooperative relationships abroad.

In the late 1990s, Jiang Zemin promoted a new security concept aimed at fostering mutual trust, mutual benefit, equality and cooperation — an alternative to zero-sum thinking. China sought to reassure its neighbors and build a regional order based on dialogue and multilateralism.

The Xi Jinping era, beginning in 2012, marks a noticeable shift. Xi has elevated national security into a broad paradigm encompassing all policy areas. In 2014, he introduced the so-called comprehensive national security concept, significantly expanding the scope of what counts as "security."

Today, Chinese officials refer to 16 distinct areas of security. In simpler terms, pragmatism has given way to the securitization of everything. Nearly every issue is framed as a matter of national security. Ultimately, one thing appears paramount: the power of the Chinese Communist Party and, alongside it, the country's political stability.

Reading the overview, one can't help but be reminded of Soviet-era Communist Party documents. It's all about peace, equality and stability — and more of the same. China presents itself as virtually the sole source of stability in a world wracked by turmoil.

In assessing the present day, many of the observations are actually quite accurate, although the question remains whether China has the right to elevate itself above others as some sort of benevolent, peace-loving force. The paper notes the intensification of geopolitical conflicts, the reemergence of hegemonism, power politics and Cold War-era mindsets. Some major powers are said to be ignoring their international obligations, breaking treaties and withdrawing from various organizations. It's safe to assume the text is not referring to Russia, but rather to the United States — and possibly a few other Western countries.

Without naming names, the document accuses foreign forces of gross interference in China's internal affairs, stirring up tensions in the Taiwan Strait and the South and East China seas, as well as causing trouble in relation to Xinjiang, Tibet and Hong Kong. According to the paper, anti-China forces in the West are doing everything they can to intimidate and suppress the country, pushing Westernization and engaging in sabotage within China.

Fortunately, the Communist Party — deemed the key to China's national security and the guarantor of the regime, the system and the ideology — is there to defend against these threats. The paper declares an unyielding resolve not to allow anti-China forces abroad to promote Western democracy, freedoms, human rights and so-called universal values within the country. These phenomena must be firmly resisted. The Chinese people must also be vigilant against any attempt to import "color revolutions" or street-level political unrest.

The document also clearly reiterates China's ongoing determination to achieve reunification with Taiwan. Beijing positions itself as a defender of economic globalization, arguing that it is an inevitable consequence of scientific and technological progress. It emphasizes the need for orderly flows of goods and raw materials — that is, secure supply chains. After all, China's economic success has largely depended on global exports.

Notably, the paper states that the foundations of China's Global Security Initiative are the respect for all countries' sovereignty and territorial integrity and adherence to the principles of the UN Charter. Disputes between states, it asserts, must be resolved not through force but via peaceful dialogue and consultation.

One additional element is a mention of Ukraine. China insists that it has always followed the principles of objectivity and fairness on the issue and has advocated for peace negotiations. It claims to support all actions aimed at achieving peace. What is not, of course, mentioned is how this aligns with China's cooperation with Russia — its direct support for Russia's military efforts through the supply of goods and military technology that can't be obtained elsewhere, along with political backing.

Given current tensions between the United States and Europe, China sees fit to highlight Europe's role as a partner with an important place in a multipolar world. In other words, China is trying to exploit transatlantic tensions to push the U.S. out of the Old World and secure markets for itself.

In conclusion, the document sends a clear message — at least to the Global South: China is their primary security partner and an alternative to the Western bloc. If the Global South accepts this message, China will be able to establish a dominant position there. Recent U.S. actions have, in many ways, dealt Beijing a winning hand.

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