Next week you will already be on your way back to Europe. With what feeling are you leaving Washington after your term as Estonia's ambassador to the United States? 

The feeling is that so much more could still be done. Every day something happens here, new opportunities open up and there are always questions that need answers. 

On the other hand, it feels like the right time. It is the right moment to hand the baton to my successor.

Thinking about the past five years, what have been the most difficult moments as Estonia's ambassador to the United States? 

The most difficult moment was connected to the start of Russia's full‑scale aggression against Ukraine. Even though what was about to happen had in some ways already been laid out for us. Based on intelligence, Americans had largely described Russia's intentions and plans in advance. 

In those first hours and days there was also a certain amount of chaos and confusion within the U.S. system itself. There was an enormous amount of information and likely too many actions happening at once. 

At that moment, the most important thing for us was to convey Estonia's understanding of what was happening, what was at stake and what needed to be done. It was also crucial to convince decision‑makers that Europe was ready to move faster and more decisively than Washington believed possible at that moment. 

The Estonian embassy in Washington has worked extensively to support Ukraine. How difficult has it been to keep Ukraine on the U.S. political agenda when attention is also focused on the Middle East and the Indo‑Pacific region? 

When Russia launched its full‑scale aggression in February 2022, it dominated all foreign policy attention. For that reason, it was actually easier at that moment to explain why the issue was important not only for Europe but also for the United States. 

Today it is certainly more difficult. As you mentioned, issues related to Iran are now among the most important foreign policy topics. In the longer term, Americans focus primarily on the challenge posed by China. 

At the same time, when looking at both China and Iran, they are connected to what is happening in Ukraine because Russia has been a long‑term partner for both. Russia has helped them and has also received support from them. 

So how do you convince decision‑makers here that supporting Ukraine remains in the U.S. interest? 

For us, it is important not only to describe the problem or simply bring it to America's doorstep, leaving the impression that now the U.S. must solve it. 

I have found that the most effective way to talk about Ukraine or European security more broadly is to first explain the situation as we see it and give an overview of what Europe and Estonia are doing themselves. 

If that sounds credible to Americans, it becomes possible to show how the U.S. could contribute in a way that is also beneficial for the United States. 

How is the Russian threat perceived in Washington today? 

Washington reflects American society, at least on long‑term issues. More than half of Americans see Russia directly as an enemy. Pew Research Center used exactly that word, "enemy," in one of its recent surveys. 

About 40 percent see Russia as a competitor, and a small portion, around seven percent if I remember correctly, see Russia as a potential partner or collaborator. 

This general attitude certainly reaches Washington's decision‑makers. The question is rather that even if Russia is perceived as hostile or at least problematic, differences arise in how the scale and impact of that threat on the United States are assessed. 

For us, it is important to highlight all the reasons why we believe the threat from Russia is unfortunately not short‑term and does not concern only one region or one issue. 

You have worn a Ukrainian ribbon on your lapel since the first day of the full‑scale war. It is now a bit worn and weathered. Will you take it with you to your new post? 

Yes, I have the Estonian flag, the U.S. flag and the Ukrainian ribbon on my lapel. My thought at the time was that I would wear it until the war ends successfully. Naturally, I could not have imagined how long it would last. 

I also did not think that even this small silk ribbon would wear out and begin to show signs of fatigue. But in some ways I feel that is another reason not to take it off. It reminds people that the war continues. 

If even the ribbon grows tired, how should people endure? Yet Ukrainians endure. 

How will Senator Lindsey Graham's death affect support for Ukraine in Congress and more broadly among Republicans and Americans? 

We do not yet know exactly what impact it will have. 

Graham was likely one of the most vocal and well‑known current senators who actively supported Ukraine among Republicans. He thought very concretely about how the U.S. could support Ukraine while slowing Russia's war machine. 

But I would also emphasize that above all, Graham was a very pro‑America politician. I met him several times and he sincerely believed that it was in the interests of the United States and Americans to support other people and nations who are willing to stand for their own freedom. 

His legacy on Ukraine now depends on whether those people prevail — and there are still quite a few in Congress — who believe that in Graham's memory, a new package of measures should be advanced quickly. 

At the same time, the reality in the Senate and House today is that before the next elections, many issues and bills need to be processed. The competition over which of them even reach the floor for a vote is enormous. 

So we must wait, watch and hope? 

We must certainly wait and watch, but at the same time we must also work to ensure that attitudes favorable to us prevail. 

Even today I will go to Congress in the afternoon, and next week I have several farewell meetings with members of Congress. These provide opportunities to talk about how to carry forward Graham's legacy on Ukraine in a dignified way. 

The Estonian embassy has focused heavily on helping Ukraine. How have Estonia‑U.S. relations changed during this time? How has Donald Trump's return to the White House changed the work of Estonian diplomats in Washington? 

Every new administration brings certain new political preferences and priorities. New people arrive and often new ways of handling matters with different agencies. 

At the moment I can say that these five years have been very busy and pragmatic in our relations with the United States. At the same time, we must not have poor political hearing — we must notice when America's priorities shift. 

We must also notice when U.S. positions differ from earlier ones or are not fully aligned with ours. It is important to acknowledge and understand that.

What are you most proud of during your term? 

I am certainly proud that if we look not only at the past five years but compare today with the time when I first began working as a diplomat in Washington in 2002, the change has been enormous. 

Back then very few people knew anything about Estonia. And the knowledge or perceptions associated with Estonia were not always positive. Often they were based simply on stereotypes. 

Today Estonia's recognition and image are such that when compared with our population, economic size or geographic distance from the United States, the result is truly remarkable. 

Of course, this is not the achievement of one person or one term. It is the result of decades of work. Estonia's friends around the world have played a major role. I believe there are millions who have helped spread knowledge about Estonia and shape our reputation. 

It is quite common that a person may not be able to point out Estonia on a map or even say whether we belong to the European Union or NATO. But often they still have a general sense that Estonia is something positive. 

This positive image is usually associated with efficient governance, the digital state, technological capability and innovative digital solutions. 

When you think back on your years in the U.S., what will you remember most besides work? Will you miss anything? 

This country is enormous. And sometimes surprisingly colorful. Recently we took a road trip of more than 5,000 kilometers with my family. We drove from Chicago to the Great Lakes, then through small rural areas to Wyoming, and finally to the West Coast, to San Francisco for Estonian Days. 

That trip reinforced my sense that America's natural diversity is simply stunning. The powerful landscapes and views, and the way nature, access to roads, railways or the ocean shape people's lives and the economy. It is fascinating to see all of this up close. 

The trip only increased my desire to return. I want to explore places I have not yet reached. 

I have now visited 43 or 44 states, but I want to get to know America much better.

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