Nearly four years of ongoing aggression risks turning war news into background noise and constant warfare into something ordinary. So, it's worth underscoring from the outset: Estonia's eastern neighbor is waging the largest and deadliest full-scale war in Europe since World War II against its neighbor Ukraine.

What's more, Russia is undermining our own security with an increasing number of acts of sabotage and other hybrid warfare tactics, while also preparing its military and infrastructure for a long-term confrontation with the entire Western world.

Keeping all of that in mind, it should be crystal clear that Estonia's number one foreign policy priority must be countering Russian aggression and supporting Ukraine. Because if Russia succeeds in Ukraine, if redrawing borders by force is allowed and if Russia's crimes go unpunished, then the very foundations of Estonia's independence and sovereignty begin to wobble.

Jaak Aaviksoo's claim that Estonian foreign policy has been "reduced to topical security policy, in simplified terms," is, to put it mildly, a puzzling one, especially in a situation where existential questions about Estonia's very survival are on the line.

Estonia must remain a clear and bold voice on the international stage, not a passive bystander repeating the mistakes of the past. Foreign policy moves forward through unity of purpose, not lack of imagination. And we mustn't confuse freedom of speech with clarity of direction. Open debate is always welcome, but speaking on behalf of the state requires an understanding that every word has both weight and consequence.

The claim that Estonia views the world in black and white and divides countries into two camps is a convenient oversimplification. In reality, Estonian foreign policy has been, and will continue to be, based on maintaining alliances and seeking opportunities for cooperation.

In 2026, Estonia will take a major step by opening embassies in Moldova, Azerbaijan, Armenia, Brazil and Kenya. This will increase Estonia's visibility and influence in Latin America, Sub-Saharan Africa and in EU candidate and partner countries that are important to us.

A physical presence allows for more effective communication with governments, businesses and civil society alike. And when opening new embassies, one principle remains the same: it's not enough to simply be there — we must also stand up for our values. Cooperation cannot mean compromising our principles or staying silent.

In all its foreign policy efforts, Estonia is guided by the goal of ensuring the continued relevance of international law. Aaviksoo himself refers to this concept, famously described by Lennart Meri as the "nuclear weapon" of small states.

And even though Russia is blatantly violating the principles of international law with its aggression, we as a country cannot give up and simply state that "there's little left of the power of international law." Instead, we've taken the position that we must preserve, safeguard and strengthen the force and enforcement mechanisms of international law at all costs.

So, naturally, discussions about Ukraine and Russia are at the core of all our foreign policy activity. That doesn't mean we're doing nothing else — we certainly are — but always through the lens of Russian aggression. Achieving a just and lasting peace in Ukraine is key to ensuring Estonia's long-term security and prosperity. Without security and self-determination, everything else fades away.

Since regaining independence, Estonia has built a foreign policy and set of positions that Western leaders now look back on and say: "You were right."

Estonia was among the first countries to sound the alarm about Russia's true intentions. President Lennart Meri, speaking in Hamburg in 1994, warned that the West did not understand what was brewing in Russia — prompting Vladimir Putin, who would later become Russia's president, to walk out of the room.

We know, however, that our warnings went unheeded. European countries instead tried a range of approaches in dealing with Russia. There was an attempt at economic engagement, which only deepened Europe's dependence on Russian energy and did nothing to curb Russia's aggressive posture. Later, European governments chose to look the other way, even when Russia showed its true face in Georgia in 2008 and in Crimea in 2014.

All of this should now confirm that we were on the right foreign policy track and that we should stay on that track going forward.

So when people say, "You were right," we respond clearly: "Then listen to us now." And fortunately, we can say with confidence that our message is indeed being heard. Estonia's foreign policy doesn't wait for history to be made — it takes the initiative. We are trailblazers in foreign policy: initiators and defenders of international law.

Throughout the post-independence era, Estonia's strength has been its consensus-based foreign and security policy. That unity has enabled us to speak with clarity on the international stage and to lead on many important issues. Clear choices and a clear direction have earned us allies and partners with whom we can achieve our goals together.

When Russia brazenly violated our airspace with three fighter jets on September 19, we could have let the incident quietly fade away. Instead, we chose to raise the matter at a United Nations Security Council meeting and through NATO Article 4 consultations. As a result, we received strong and unambiguous support from allies and partners — support that undoubtedly deters Russia far more effectively than quiet acceptance ever could.

For nearly four years now, we have consistently emphasized that the aggressor must not be allowed to succeed and that achieving a just and lasting peace requires pressure — not concessions — on the aggressor. We still firmly believe that upholding the principles of territorial integrity and sovereignty is the only right path. Ignoring those principles would trigger a domino effect that could give the green light for borders to be redrawn by force elsewhere in the world.

That's why Estonia has led efforts to tighten sanctions on the aggressor, to create a special tribunal for Russia's war crimes and to put frozen assets to use. Estonia first publicly proposed using frozen assets back in March 2022. At the time, no one wanted to discuss the issue, but now, several groundbreaking decisions have been made and, this week, EU leaders are debating how to use these assets to fund long-term support for Ukraine.

Looking at all these examples, it's worth asking: What if Estonia had chosen to remain quiet, to simply go along with the flow of international developments instead of leading or even pushing forward uncomfortable, unpopular topics?

We have consistently held to the view that we must pursue what is right with determination, even if we have to stand alone at first and convince others to follow. This has given Estonia far more foreign policy influence than our population size or geography would suggest.

But if we now begin to muddy the waters and if messages start appearing in international media as supposedly representing Estonia's views when they don't reflect our shared positions, then we will be undermining and diluting our credibility.

As I also said in my annual foreign policy address to the Riigikogu this February: "We have spoken with one voice abroad even when we've had sharp debates at home. That unity and principled clarity must endure if we are to emerge from these difficult times as a stronger nation and state."

That thought still holds true. The goal of Estonia's foreign policy is not to please everyone — it is to keep Estonia free, independent and sovereign. That is a responsibility, not a rhetorical choice.

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