Near our home in Paris stands the Alma Bridge, a popular spot for viewing the Eiffel Tower. But what truly catches the eye is another structure nearby with golden domes: a Russian Orthodox church. It's baffling that permission was granted to build it there, as its domes inevitably end up in photos taken from the bridge toward the Eiffel Tower, and there's nothing Parisian about that. From the street, the church appears as a windowless white fortress flanked by boxy buildings. Both bear signs indicating they house the Russian Orthodox spiritual and religious center.

The promise to allow the church's construction was made during Patriarch Alexy's visit in 2007 by then-mayor Nicolas Sarkozy. In 2010, Russia won the public tender. The original plan was to create a cultural complex that would include the church as well as the first Russian-French lycée. But the project was left incomplete: while the church was built, the planned Berdyaev Center ran into difficulties and the church walls remained undecorated with the frescos initially envisioned.

There is another Russian cultural center in Paris, one that, even after Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, was still recruiting young people for trips to Crimea to expose them to Kremlin ideology. Similar youth groups were formed last year in Australia, Germany and Turkey.

Russian cultural centers abroad fall under the jurisdiction of Rossotrudnichestvo, which openly claims to operate "Russian Houses" in 71 countries around the world. Several of these have been successfully shut down — in North Macedonia, Croatia and Montenegro, for example. The Russian Houses in Romania and Slovenia suspended operations indefinitely. Moldova also decided to close its center, though implementation was delayed to avoid upsetting Russian-speaking residents ahead of the elections at the end of September.

But there's always trouble surrounding these Russian Houses. First, they function as propaganda centers. Second, Russian intelligence operatives have used their premises as cover. And shutting them down is difficult because they often enjoy diplomatic status, with directors and sometimes deputy directors formally registered as diplomats, thus protected under diplomatic immunity. Some operate under bilateral agreements, which leads to fears of reciprocal retaliation — for instance, Germany worries Moscow would shut down the Goethe-Institut and Spain has similar concerns regarding the Cervantes Institute.

In Alicante, Spain, the situation became more serious. About 20,000 people of Russian descent live in the province and their representatives went as far as contacting prosecutors to halt the activities of the Russian House. Its director, Aleksandr Chepurnoy, has openly stated that he is an agent of the Kremlin, operating under the umbrella of Pravfond. The fund's full name is the Foundation for Supporting and Defending the Rights of Compatriots Living Abroad.

The director of the Alicante Russian House organized anti-NATO protests. In his reports to Moscow, Chepurnoy detailed how he used Kremlin funds to organize public events promoting Russian interests. Although Pravfond is under European Union sanctions, more than 50,000 internal documents prove the foundation continues to operate in European countries. In Alicante, the Russian House was also involved in finding and recruiting pro-Russian journalists and lawyers.

Rossotrudnichestvo operates in a similar manner — in Sofia and Brussels, among other cities. In Washington, the Russian House was closed for a while but reopened at the end of 2022. And they haven't exactly been discreet: within two years of reopening, they hosted an official celebration to mark the anniversary of Crimea's annexation. In Copenhagen, the Russian House became a favored meeting spot for Russian embassy staff. Many of them were later expelled for espionage. The center had close ties to Danish research institutions, particularly the Technical University of Denmark. As a result, Danish authorities sentenced a Russian-born researcher named Nikiforov to three years in prison for collecting intelligence on technology alongside his academic work — that is, for participating in scientific and technical espionage.

Authorities tried to shut down the Russian House, but only succeeded after expelling 25 Russian embassy employees, including the director of the center, over espionage. Romania followed suit in 2023, giving the Russian House in Bucharest six months to shut down. To drive the point home, 40 Russian embassy employees were detained just weeks before the deadline, effectively forcing the Kremlin to cease operations there.

In London, the Russian House was closed after Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine and has not reopened, as the UK refused to issue a visa to Rossotrudnichestvo's representative. Yet the organization doesn't seem to be strapped for cash. Its budget was increased by one and a half times for the current year, reaching 412 million rubles.

That money still makes its way to Kremlin operatives abroad despite sanctions that should theoretically prevent financial transactions. For example, intermediaries from neighboring countries who travel to Russia are used to carry out payments. Last fall, a 65-year-old travel agent crossed the border and received €10,000 from Russia to bring to Estonia. The money was intended for lawyers defending a person convicted of espionage.

Russian Houses in many capitals continue to exploit their diplomatic status, which exempts them from taxes. In Berlin, the city had to cover a significant portion of the Russian House's expenses under a bilateral agreement.

Moreover, these Russian Houses are often not registered as legal entities. And without legal status, it's hard to take action against them. In Berlin, the prosecutor tried to bring charges against the Russian House director for violating Germany's foreign trade laws. But the effort was abandoned because the director held a diplomatic passport.

In summary, Russian Houses are hubs for Moscow's influence operations and often for espionage as well. During the Soviet era, the KGB placed great emphasis on cultural export and international cultural cooperation. Entire departments were dedicated to such activities. So, what may seem like innocent cultural exchange often has a darker side, one used as a tool against other nations.

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