Thórlindur Kjartansson is Iceland's current deployment to Estonia (2024–2026), and like his colleagues in Latvia and Lithuania, his job is to contribute to strategic communications (stratcoms) and analysis of geopolitical developments.

The ability to formulate and communicate your messages to a wider audience — both to your allies and adversaries — is critically important today, Kjartansson says, pointing to Ukraine as an example.

"You could really argue that without the expertise level of communication from the leadership of Ukraine in the first few days of the war, we might have seen a totally different outcome," he tells ERR News. 

Pirates and adventurers

Situated in the middle of the Atlantic Ocean, Iceland has been protected by nature during its over 1,000-year history.

"Which has put us in the fortunate position of having never experienced a hostile occupation," Kjartansson said. "Throughout history, there have been raids by pirate groups and adventurers, but there has never been any need to have our own military."

Kjartansson describes Iceland's position as a NATO founding member without a military as "unique" and explains that the country's main contribution to the alliance is its location.

The island grew in strategic importance during the 20th century as transport across the Atlantic between Europe and the U.S. developed. Iceland then became critically important during the Second World War and the subsequent Cold War.

"In a time of crisis, the area around Iceland controls access to the Atlantic from the north," he says. "This position, essentially, is Iceland's main contribution to NATO."

This area is known as the GIUK or GIUK-N Gap, a maritime corridor between Greenland, Iceland and the United Kingdom/Norway.

NATO facilities on the island include the Iceland Air Defense System (IADS), the Control and Reporting Center (CRC) Keflavik and an Air Policing mission. It also hosts several military exercises, including "Dynamic Mongoose," NATO's biggest submarine exercise, and "Northern Viking."

Kjartansson says the country has always taken its membership of NATO very seriously, especially as a host nation. The U.S. Air Force has had a presence on the island since the 1940s. Iceland also contributes mine and ordnance clearance experts to foreign missions.

While Iceland does not have its own military, the Icelandic Coast Guard is responsible for operational defense tasks and host-nation support in the country.

What are stratcoms and why do they matter?

Kjartansson defines strategic communications as "formulation of your messages" for different audiences: domestic, adversary and the wider world.

The latter can be challenging. "In terms of making sure that the narratives that promote a liberal democracy do not become crowded out by nefarious actors that are presenting a totally different worldview," he says.

The Baltic states' success over the last 30 years is "evidence of the superiority of liberal democracy," Kjartansson says.

"These three countries, which have transformed themselves within a generation once they had the opportunity to be independent, sovereign, choose their own alliances and make really fantastic societies for their populations," he stresses.

"I believe that's also a part of the communication that needs to be emphasized in today's world. It really does make a difference what type of government, what type of alliances countries choose," he adds.  

Kjartansson says statcoms are important because the basic messages about why NATO is important need to reach "normal, everyday people."

"It cannot be lost in grand geopolitical discussions or discussions about military strengths and numbers," he says. "There are actual outcomes that touch people's everyday lives directly that are at stake."

"We have seen it now very clearly, for example in Ukraine, how much communication, strategic communication has made a huge difference," Kjartansson believes.

Nation of storytellers

Kjartansson says Iceland's history means it can play a strong role in strategic communication.  

While Estonia sells itself as a digital state, Iceland's nation branding has long focused on creating an image of a storytelling nation. "I think no country in the world comes close to the level of literary output per capita as Iceland has done historically," Kjartansson says.

The country's strong record on freedom of speech, human rights and respect for international law means it has the credibility to spread the alliance's message, he says.

"We are a small country without an army in a big world — in a dangerous world — so we rely on international law and international organizations, the rules-based international order. If that fails, our alliances of democratic, free countries have promised to defend each other in case of a calamity," he says.

"So through that, I think we do have a story to tell and a story to share of how we have managed to build a society under this protection."

Growing urgency

Kjartansson, as a former journalist with no military background, says he has learned much from working with the British and French battle group in Estonia.

He works most closely with the British deployment, which leads the battlegroup, and is very positive about their cooperation.

"I love working with the Brits," he says. "They are extremely professional, they have a lot of humility about what they're doing and you can sense growing urgency about why they are here in an environment where their commitment could possibly be tested."

Kjartansson also highlights the role the UK played in Estonian independence, pointing to the "deep historical connection."

'Special kinship' with Baltics

Iceland was the first country in the world to back the Baltic states' bids for independence in the early 1990s and an active advocate for the Baltics in international fora before that, Kjartansson says. Due to this, there is a "special kinship" between the countries now.

He also points to the parallel histories. Both Iceland and Estonia first declared their independence "in the wave of nation states being established after the First World War," although Iceland was still under the Danish crown until 1944.

"So we started out on the same journey as the Baltic nations at that time but we were fortunate to be able to continue without interruption," he says.

"I think Icelanders understand that once they had gained independence, that it was of huge value to us as a society, not only economic, but more so culturally and in our overall quality of life. I believe that many Icelanders were very aware of the injustice suffered by the Baltic states, also small in population but with a solid identity, under Soviet domination. I think, it struck a chord and still does."

Explaining why Iceland was willing to support Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, Kjartansson said: "There are advantages in being small and not being a major power in terms of how and when you can use your political clout. Iceland has a seat at the table in international fora and takes up the same space as the big powers in those contexts. So sometimes we can use our voice and political powers of persuasion. And very often in international politics, that doesn't really make a lot of difference. But sometimes it does, and then it is incumbent on Iceland to use every opportunity to make a difference."

Today, Iceland works with Estonia in the Nordic-Baltic 8 (NB8) format where the countries work together as a group to advance their interests. He described it as the "core family that Iceland belongs to" within "international structures nowadays."

Black and white

For Iceland, Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine "signifies a terrifying breakdown in the international post-World War II system." "That a member of the Security Council [Russia] invades another country for territorial gain," Kjartansson says.

Besides sending humanitarian aid, Reykjavik has contributed in other ways.

"Of course, I think it's clear that if we had military equipment, we would have sent it. But since we don't have it, we have contributed to funds that are buying military equipment for Ukraine," he explains.

This also meant reassessing Iceland's policy of providing military-related support.

"But this [the full-scale invasion] is just a whole different thing than anything that's happened before," Kjartansson says. "So right at the beginning of the conflict, we were assisting with flying in ammunition to Ukraine from [other] countries."

He says there was a "dire need" for this in February 2022, before bigger countries started sending in their military equipment.

Iceland also funded a field hospital that Germany and Estonia delivered to the Ukrainian frontlines in 2023.

The country is also vocally advocating for Ukraine internationally.

Kjartansson says: "There are not many things that are totally black and white in international politics, but this is clearly one of them."

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