Until the war in Ukraine, it was possible in many places to live as if one were in Estonia's Russia. One had no problems with language, education or ideology. The political motivation of Russian votes at local elections was sufficient to stifle debate over change for decades.

The war changed everything. The transition to [teaching in] Estonian, after spending a quarter century on hold, suddenly became possible. Moods were suddenly pro-Ukrainian. The Center Party started to crumble, not just because of infighting, but simply because its ideology fell behind the war, times and Estonia.

The status of Russians changed overnight. One could no longer position oneself as an elite refugee whom everyone was discriminating against. The need to align oneself arose, publicly for some, deep down for most. Being against Russia (Vladimir Putin) seemed impossible for many and saw them opt for internal exile and trying to keep a low profile. This increased the likelihood of avoiding family and work trouble. The strategy remains prevalent.

Trying to imagine how the war might end is a source of conflict to which Konstantin Vassiljev's image fell victim. He expressed where he stands by suggesting that "if they [Ukrainians] could win, perhaps there would be peace. If Russia wins, there may be peace. If both decide to talk and make peace, there might be peace."

It is normal to want peace. That is how some Estonian commentators see it, those suggesting Vassiljev was treated unjustly. Unfortunately, war – at least one that hits close to home – changes perceptions. The Ukraine war concerns us so closely that it undoubtedly changes our lives and future. That is why statements by influential people matter a great deal.

It is not easy to understand what Vassiljev really wanted to say. It was interpreted mainly as a desire for peace at any cost and no matter who wins. But it matters to Estonia who will win, and for us, Ukraine is not "them." Hence the painful reaction.

Should Russia win, people are afraid a new major problem will develop. Ukraine will be put down and Russia will find itself with a million armed men. First, they'll fully man the Pskov division, followed by the militarization of all borders facing the Baltics, and life will never be the same again. Once that happens, debates over whether Estonia's car tax will charge 10 cents more or less per kilowatt of engine power will become inconsequential. Assurances according to which "Putin is not dumb enough to attack NATO" aren't worth the paper they're printed on after February 24, 2022 either. If the war has taught us one thing, it's that no Russian politician or journalist should be trusted.

Fears that Estonia's Russia will become Russia's Estonia are mounting. It's all Russian propaganda and leaders talk about. But for us, the difference between winning and losing is everything. Russia might stand to lose an empire, while we stand to lose Estonia and our lives. In a situation where the 40-million strong Ukrainian people are threatened with destruction and assimilation, where does our one million even register? And it's not just threats in Ukraine; instead, Putin's "one nation" ideology is being carried out by killing tens of thousands.

Most people in Estonia cannot comprehend how it is possible to justify something like that. It is also a mystery how Putin's propaganda has managed to convince most Russians that they have been given the divine right to destroy their neighbors in the name of Putin's fantasies.

But for every force, there is an equal and opposite reaction, which means increased tensions also in Estonia. Hoping that someone will apologize and say that we went too far with requiring people to learn Estonian and should leave everything as it was is out of the question. Rather, the pressure will continue to mount, with taking away the local elections voting rights of Russian citizens very much in the air tonight.

Therefore, the case of Konstantin Vassiljev is just one piece of a larger puzzle. It is not fair to lay the burden of integration squarely on his shoulders. The problems are much bigger and concern a lot more people than a single footballer. That is why we should leave him alone. He has learned his lesson. He sacrificed his reputation to kickstart an important debate and gave people plenty to think about. If even he, as the recipient of all manner of Estonian titles and honors, cannot bring himself to utter a word in support of Ukraine, what is the general situation, really? Who can?

Motives for tending to side with Russia can run the gamut. For example, immeasurable love for mother Russia, belief in Putin's genius, concerns for how one's family or acquaintances might react, being labeled a traitor among fellow countrymen or fear for the well-being of relatives in Russia.

But we live together in somewhere that's called Estonia, and in the end, that is what counts. That is also why it is becoming increasingly difficult to stay in the twilight zone and sit on two chairs at once, waiting to see how the war goes to eventually side with the winner. This modus operandi might not prove as successful should matters escalate.

Conclusion: Because there is no end in sight for Estonia's instincts of self-preservation and Russia's imperial ones, we should brace for difficult times ahead.

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